This notwithstanding, a great deal of confusion continues to surround the notion. Plebiscitarianism is compatible with authoritarian politics carried out under the guise of, or with the connivance of, majority opinion. In all such instances, however, government should not itself be directly involved in the production of economic goods in the form of state-owned or nationalized industries. However appealing such a worldview may be for some people, in an age of global—and multicultural—civilization no adequate philosophical defense of universal human rights can rest on any such culturally relative worldview. The notes are meant not only to provide supporting evidence for assertions made in the text one of the customary function of notes , they are meant also to provide additional background information on this or that issue e.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication Data Madison, Gary Brent. This is reason enough to reject any theory of democracy whose centerpiece is the notion of the will. Thus the principle which authorizes government intervention on behalf of the common good carries with it important caveats. This is why Garton Ash was quite correct when, addressing the question as to what the West could learn from the liberal revolutions in Eastern Europe, he stated: If I am right in my basic analysis, they can offer no fundamentally new ideas on the big questions of politics, economics, law or international relations. As hermeneutics has always insisted, human reality has its own unique characteristics.
They point out how the lack of development in Latin America is due not to a capitalist economy but rather to the lack of such an economy. What Tocqueville said of democracy in America as he observed it in the 1830s went straight to the heart of the matter. But what is government itself, but the greatest of all reflections on human nature? This was the year when the unexpected unexpectedly happened, and with a suddenness that was truly breathtaking. Thus, in order to appreciate the basic meaning of civil society, one should contrast it with the state of affairs to which it is most directly opposed, viz. The final end of every political institution is the preservation of the natural and imprescriptible rights of man. It is no longer possible for anyone still to affirm the unfreedom of humanity. Only the most obdurate of ideologues could any longer continue to deny that this ideal had proven itself as bankrupt as the desolate economies it had spawned.
A market economy promotes such values as entrepreneurship, tolerance, and willingness to compromise. However, as the case of Latin America also demonstrates, there are interim measures that can be adopted by democratic governments to ease the pain of transition and cushion the effects of adjustment. Democratization can work, however, only if it is combined with a thorough-going attempt at fostering the development of the autonomous forces of civil society, and this requires a total commitment to creating a civil market economy. A unique feature of this study is the way in which the author demonstrates how the logic of the various orders of civil society is, in a way appropriate to the distinct nature of each order, a logic of communicative rationality. The ideas whose time has come are old, familiar, well-tested ones. It makes injustice, crime and lies acceptable by the promise of a miracle. There are, therefore, no individuals and no groups whose interest would ultimately be better guarded by Socialism than by a society based on private ownership of the means of production.
The problem is that of accounting for the existence of generalized, trans-subjective patterns of meaning that are the product of human action but are not the result of human design. When the relations of production fetter the development of productive forces, an era of social revolution begins and a new set of productive relations emerges. Freedom is absolute in that its status as a value is rationally unquestionable. So much for the basic human right to freedom of expression! As I shall argue in Chapter 4, the idea of civil society is the only conceptual means of resolving what is perhaps the most basic and persistent problem in political philosophy: how to reconcile private interests and the public good. In addition, the construction of ideal types or interpretive constructs is what enables social analysts hermeneuts to grasp the logic at work in any given social set-up.
At the limit or beyond a certain point of noreturn multiculturalism of the sort described above leads to the breakdown of civil society in much the same way as does ethnic nationalism in the former socialist countries. Reasons for both across-the-board and radical change are suggested by György Varga, editor of the Hungarian journal Figgelö, who observes: Systemic change and economic transformation should be considered simultaneously. All that is required is a calculus of opinion. The civil culture of a democratic regime. The real as rational is the particular petard which has deprived Marxists of their footing. As Albert Camus said in his Myth of Sisyphus.
William James put the basic philosophical point as well as anyone when he wrote: A social organism of any sort whatever, large or small, is what it is because each member proceeds to his own duty with a trust that the other members will simultaneously do theirs. Precisely because it is of the essence of a totalitarian regime to want to absorb into the Party-state all aspects of society, to destroy any form of social life independent of it, when it does finally disintegrate, the damage to society can in the meantime have been so extensive that there no longer exist any foundations on which a normal, civil society can be erected. This quantity comprises phrases usually present in overseas human rights tools including transparent, real, target and simply comprehensible definitions of them. . As the Pope himself recognizes, it is the function of the State to guarantee the rights of its citizens. What, then, is the nature of these processes? For this reason, all those who wish to stop the drift toward increasing government control should concentrate their efforts on monetary policy.
The classic case was pehaps East Germany. Vargas Llosa 1987, pp, 42, 47 In a situation such as this, the solution to developmental problems is not less capitalism but more capitalism and more free trade. A semiotic or sign system, such as a natural language, e. Indeed, if government is to perform its overriding constitutional task of protecting the rights of its citizens, it is under a moral obligation to intervene for this purpose in the workings of civil society when the situation calls for it. In the light of what has been said, it should come as no surprise that after the destruction of whatever rudiments of civil society they may have possessed before totalitarianism sidetracked them from the main line of History,5 the peoples of Eastern Europe found themselves with little else, in most instances, to fall back upon than the ethnic and nationalistic passions of an earlier time. For those who consider themselves Marxists, however, there are special complications. The natural urges to this, the sources of unsociableness and mutual opposition from which so many evils arise, drive men to new exertions of their forces and thus to the manifold development of their capacities.